SPEECH 

OJ 

IR.  CASS,  OF  MICHIGAN, 

OK 

COLONIZATION  IN  NORTH  AMERICA, 

AND 

ON  THE  POLITICAL  CONDITION  OF  CUBA. 


DELIVERED  IN  THE  SENATE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  JANUARY  18,  1853. 


The  Senate  proceeded  to  consider  the  joint  resolution  declaratory  of  the  views  of  the 
United  States  respecting  colonization  on  the  North  American  continent  by  European 
Powers,  and  respecting  the  Island  of  Cuba;  which  is  as  follows: 

“  Be  it  resolved,  Src.,  That  the  United  States  do  hereby  declare  that  ‘the  American  continents,  by  the 
free  and  independent  condition  which  they  have  assumed  and  maintain,  are  henceforth  not  to  be  considered 
ns  subjects  for  future  colonization  by  any  European  Power.’  And  while  ‘existing  rights  should  be  respected,’ 
and  will  be  by  the  United  States,  they  owe  it  to  their  own  ‘  safety  and  interests,’  to  annpunce,  as  they  now 
do,  ‘  that  no  future  European  colony  or  dominion  shall,  with  their  consent,  be  planted  or  established  on  any 
pari  of  the  North  American  continent.’  And  should  th-e  attempt  be  made,  they  thus  deliberately  declare 
that  it  will  be  viewed  as  an  act  originating  in  motives  regardless  of  their  interests  and  their  safety,  and  which 
will  leave  them  free  to  adopt  such  measures,  as  an  independent  nation  may  justly  adopt  in  defence  of  it* 
rights  and  its  honor. 

“  And  be  it  further  resolved ,  That  while  the  United  States  disclaim  any  designs  upon  the  Island  of  Cuba 
*  inconsistent  with  the  laws  of  nations  and  with  their  duties  to  Spain,  they  consider  it  due  to  the  vast  import¬ 
ance  of  the  subject,  to  make  known,  in  this  solemn  manner,  that  they  should  view  all  efforts  on  the  part 
of  any  other  Power  to  procure  possession,  whether  peaceably  or  forcibly,  of  that.  Island,  which,  as  a  naval  or 
military  position,  must,  under  circumstances  easy  to  be  foreseen,  become  dangerous  to  their  southern  coast,  to 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  as  unfriendly  acts,  directed  against  them,  to  be  re¬ 
sisted  by  all  the  means  in  their  power.” 

The  question  pending  was  on  the  following  amendment  offered  by  Mr.  Hals: 

“  And  be  it  further  resolved,  That  while  the  United  States,  in  like  manner,  disclaim  any  designs  upon 
Canada  inconsistent  with  the  laws  of  nations,  and  with  their  duties  to  Great  Britain,  they  consider  it  due  to 
the  vast  importance  of  the  subject  to  make  known,  in  this  solemn  manner,  that  they  should  view  all  efforts 
on  the  part  of  any  other  Power  to  procure  possession,  either  peaceably  or  forcibly,  of  that  Province,  (which,  as  a 
naval  or  military  position,  must,  under  circumstances  easy  to  be  foreseen,  become  dangerous  to  their  northern 
boundary,  and  to  the  lakes,)  as  unfriendly  acts  directed  against  them,  to  be  resisted  by  all  the  means  in  their 
power.” 

Mr.  CASS  said: 

Mr.  President:  The  question  of  the  recolonization  of  any  part  of  this  hemisphere  by 
the  European  Powers  has  occupied  the  attention  of  the  American  people  for  many  years, 
with  more  or  less  interest,  as  passiifg  events  seemed  to  render  the  effort  more  or  less 
probable.  The  general  subject,  as  well  as  the  principles  involved  in  it,  has  been  so  often 
discussed,  that  I  do  not  propose  to  enter  into  a  very  full  examination  of  our  rights  and 
condition,  connected  with  this  important  topic,  but  rather  to  present  the  general  conside¬ 
rations  belonging  to  it. 

Two  Presidents  of  the  United  States  have,  by  solemn  public  acts,  in  their  messages  to 
Congress,  declared  and  maintained  the  principles, frespecting  American  exemption  from 
European  dominion,  which  are  laid  down  in  the  first  of  the  resolutions  before  us,  and 
have  distinctly  and  satisfactorily  established,  not  only  our  right  but  our  duty  to  do  so,  as 
one  of  the  great  elements  of  our  national  safety  and  prosperity.  Mr.  Monroe,  in  1823, 
said: 

“  We  owe  it,  therefore,  to  candor,  and  to  the  amicable  relations  existing  between  the 
United  States  and  those  Powers,  to  declare,  that  we  should  consider  any  attempt  on  their 
part  to  extend  their  system  to  any  portion  of  this  hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  our  peace 
and  safety.  With  the  existing  colonies  or  dependencies  of  any  European  Power  we  have 
not  interfered,  and  shall  not  interfere.  But  with  the  Governments,  which  have  declared 


Lem.  Towers,  printer. 


2 


their  independence  and  maintained  it,  and  whose  independence  we  have,  on  great  con¬ 
sideration  and  just  principles  acknowledged,  we  could  not  view  any  interposition  for  the 
purpose  of  oppressing  them,  or  controlling  in  any  other  manner  their  destiny  by  any  Eu¬ 
ropean  Power,  in  any  other  light,  than  as  the  manifestation  of  an  unfriendly  disposition 
towards  the  United  States.” 

Mr.  Polk,  in  the  same  spirit,  in  1845,  said: 

“  The  people  of  the  United  States  cannot,  therefore,  view  with  indifference,  attempts 
of  European  Powers  to  interfere  with  the  independent  action  oi  the  nations  on  this  conti¬ 
nent.  The  American  system  of  government  is  entirely  different  from  that  of  Europe. 
Jealousy  among  the  different  sovereigns  of  Europe,  lest  any  one  of  them  might  become 
too  powerful  for  the  rest,  has  caused  them  anxiously  to  desire  the  establishment  of  what 
they  term  the  ‘  balance  of  power.’  It  cannot  be  permitted  to  have  any  application  on  the 
North  American  continent,  and  especially  to  the  United  States.  We  must  ever  main¬ 
tain  the  principle,  that  the  people  of  this  continent  alone  have  the  right  to  decide  their 
own  destiny.  Should  any  portion  of  them,  constituting  an  independent  State,  propose 
to  unite  themselves  with  our  Confederacy,  this  will  be  a  question  for  them  and  us  to  deter¬ 
mine,  without  any  foreign  interposition.  We  can  never  consent  that  European  Powers 
shall  interfere  to  prevent  such  a  union ;  because  it  might  disturb  the  ‘  balance  of  power' 
which  they  may  desire  to  maintain  upon  this  continent.  Near  a  quarter  of  a  century 
ago,  the  principle  was  distinctly  announced  to  the  world,  in  the  annual  message  of  one 
of, my  predecessors,  that  ‘  The  American  continent,  by  the  free  and  independent  condi¬ 
tion,  which  they  have  assumed  and  maintained,  are  henceforth  not  to  be  considered  as 
subjects  for  future  colonization  by  any  European  Power.’  This  principle  will  apply  with 
greatly  increased  force,  should  any  European  Power  attempt  to  establish  any  new  colony 
in  North  America.” 

In  some  remarks  upon  this  subject  in  the  Senate,  a  few  days  since,  I  alluded  to, 
rather  than  considered,  the  general  grounds,  upon  which  this  claim  of  independent  ac¬ 
tion  for  the  nations  of  the  American  continent  rested  for  its  assertion.  I  shall  not  re¬ 
peat  those  views,  contenting  myself  with  saying,  that  this  right  of  exclusion  results  from 
xhe  condition  of  this  continent,  and  from  those  general  principles  of  the  public  law  of  the 
world,  by  which  it  protects  the  interests  and  safety  of  nations,  in  the  varying  circumstan¬ 
ces,  in  which  they  may  be  placed.  The  history  of  that  code  shows,  that  it  has  a  power 
of  adaptation  to  the  advancing  condition  of  nations,  and  that  rigid  inflexibility  is  not 
one  of  its  attributes.  The  changes  introduced  into  it  by  the  discovery  of  America,  in 
the  establishment  of  the  principles  of  occupation  and  settlement,  are  familiar  to  all,  and 
furnish  an  illustration  of  this  progressive  improvement.  The  right  of  recolonization 
would  necessarily  lead  to  the  renewal,  indeed,  to  the  perpetual  domination  of  European 
Powers,  and  their  colonies,  wherever  planted,  would  become  parties,  with  the  mother 
countries,  in  all  their  wars,  though  far  beyond  the  true  sphere  of  their  causes  and  objects. 

We  should  thus  find  ourselves  in  juxtaposition,  it  might  be,  and  at  any  rate  within 
the  reach  of  the  action  of  communities,  rendered  enemies  by  the  disputes,  too  often 
frivolous,  and  almost  always  indifferent,  of  nations  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic. 
Such  a  state  of  things,  bringing  wars  to  our  coast,  to  our  inland  boundaries  even,  and 
interrupting  the  peaceful  and  profitable  avocations  of  a  whole  continent,  to  gratify  the 
pride  or  jealousy,  or  some  other  equalty  unworthy  passion  of  ministers  or  mistresses, 
where  these  are  the  depositories  of  power,  would  be  “dangerous  to  our  peace  and 
safety.” 

But  I  do  not  know,  that  the  general  principle  of  this  claim  of  exemption  is  contested. 
Certainly  it  cannot  be  upon  any  just  grounds.  Our  Executive  Government  has  as¬ 
sumed  it  upon  full  consideration,  and  the  history  of  our  negotiations  with  England,  to 
be  found  in  the  interesting  account  given  by  Mr.  Rush,  our  able  and  faithful  represen¬ 
tative,  of  his  mission  to  that  country,  proves  beyond  doubt,  that  although  the  British 
Ministry  were  opposed  to  our  anti- colonization  doctrine,  lest  it  might  interfere  with 
ulterior  objects  of  aggrandizement  on  their  part,  yet,  they  entirely  concurred  in  the  appli¬ 
cation  of  the  principle  to  the  recently  emancipated  Spanish  Colonies,  which  in  fact, 
conceded  the  right  of  the  United  States  to  extend  the  same  policy  to  any  portion  of  the 
continent,  not  then  actually  possessed  by  a  European  Power.  And  Mr.  Monroe  dis¬ 
tinctly  announced  this  fact,  saying: 

“  It  is  gratifying  to  know,  that  some  of  the  Powers,  with  whom  we  enjoy  a  very 
friendly  intercourse,  and  to  whom  these  views  (concerning  the  condition  of  the  Spanish- 
American  States)  have  been  communicated,  have  appeared  to  acquiesce  in  them.” 


C  -  7^-  3 

When  Mr.  Canning  announced  to  Mr.  Rush  that  “England  could  not  see  the  trans¬ 
fer  of  any  portion  of  them  (these  same  States)  to  any  other  Power  with  indifference,  ” 
she  acted  upon  considerations  much  more  applicable  to  our  condition  than  to  hers,  and 
which  are  co-extensive  with  the  continent.  There  is  great  force  in  the  remark  of  that 
eminent  British  statesman  upon  our  situation  and  political  duties: 

“  It  concerned  the  United  States  under  aspects  and  interests,  as  immediate  and  com¬ 
manding,  as  it  did  or  could  any  of  the  States  of  Europe.  They  were  the  first  Power  on 
that  continent,  and  now  confessedly  the  leading  Power.  They  were  connected  with 
Spanish  America  by  their  position,  as  with  Europe  by  their  relations.  And  they  also 
stood  connected  with  these  new  States  by  political  relations.  Was  it  possible  they 
could  see  with  indifference  their  fate  decided  only  by  Europe  1  Could  Europe  expect 
this  indifference  ?  Had  not  a  new  epoch  arrived  in  the  relative  position  of  the  United 
States  towards  Europe,  which  Europe  must  acknowledge  ?  Were  the  great  political 
and  commercial  interests,  which  hung  upon  the  destinies  of  the  new  Continent  to  be 
convassed  and  adjusted  in  this  hemisphere  ( Europe )  without  the  co-operation  or  even 
knowledge  of  the  United  States  ?” 

These  words  of  wisdom,  of  one  of  the  most  enlightened  men  of  England,  commend 
themselves,  by  their  justice  and  liberality,  to  the  consideration  of  every  true  American, 
and  they  are  not  the  less  just  and  liberal,  because  they  were  urged  with  a  view  to  induce 
our  Government  to  become  a  party  to  a  European  Congress  for  the  arrangement  of 
American  affairs.  It  was  wise  to  reject  the  proposal,  it  is  not  less  wise  to  acquiesce  in 
the  doctrine,  which  led  to  it,  and  to  make  it  ours  by  its  practical  enforcement  in  our 
own  way,  as  a  question  of  American  policy,  beyond  the  just  sphere  of  European  inter¬ 
position.  When  such  statesmen  as  Mr.  Monroe,  Mr.  Polk,  and  Mr.  Canning,  unite 
in  their  general  views  of  our  rights  and  duties,  those  of  us,  who  believe  int  his  salutary 
doctrine,  and  in  the  expediency  of  enforcing  it,  may  well  bear  the  censures,  and  sneers, 
and  ridicule,  and  reproach,  which  our  efforts  encounter  from  some,  because  we  go  too 
far,  and  from  others,  because  we  do  not  go  far  enough,  while  the  cautious  and  the 
timid  see  in  every  assertion  of  national  rights  and  honor,  a  fearful  cloud  impending  over 
our  country,  ready  to  burst  upon  us,  and  sweep  away  our  prosperity,  if  not  our  ex¬ 
istence. 

One-third  of  a  century  has  passed  away,  since  these  diplomatic  discussions,  and  if  our 
position  and  circumstances,  being  the  oldest  of  the  family  of  nations  in  the  western 
hemisphere,  conferred  upon  us  at  that  time,  such  rights,  accompanied  by  such  duties, 
how  much  stronger  is  the  appeal  of  this  policy  of  continental  independence  to  our  earn¬ 
est  attention  now,  when  time  has  developed  our  strength  and  our  danger,  and  when  our 
American  interests  are  primary,  and  those,  which  connect  us  with  Europe,  but  secondary 
in  importance,  and  when,  from,  day  to  day,  this  disparity  is  increasing. 

This,  then,  being  our  settled  plan  of  policy,  and  having  been  so  announced  to  the 
world  by  two  Chief  Magistrates  of  our  country,  why,  it  may  be  asked,  does  it  become 
necessary  for  Congress  to  interpose,  and  by  a  legislative  declaration,  reaffirm  it?  The 
nature  of  our  Government  furnishes  a  satisfactory  answer  to  this  question.  Though 
there  is  no  doubt,  but  that  these  Executive  declarations  were  beneficial  in  their  opera¬ 
tions,  and  aided  in  checking  schemes  of  aggrandizement,  which,  had  they  gone  on, 
would  have  changed  the  political  aspect  of  the  countries  south  of  us,  and  greatly  to  our 
injury,  still  they  have  not  been  wholly  regarded,  as  events  upon  the  La  Plata  and  in 
other  regions  have  practically  demonstrated.  And  occurrences  now  going  on  in  Central 
America,  and  which,  from  day  to  day,  occupy  the  earnest  attention  of  the  Senate, 
showing  the  steps  by  which  the  merest  shadow  of  possession  becomes  a  claim,  and  a 
claim  a  title,  which  carries  with  it  dominion  and  sovereignty,  treaty  or  no  treaty, — these 
occurrences  announce,  that  our  declared  policy  of  exclusion  will  be  still  further  disre¬ 
garded,  unless  authoritatively  reaffirmed  in  the  name  of  the  American  people.  An 
experiment  is  making  upon  our  forbearance,  or  rather  upon  our  apprehension,  and  as  it 
is  resisted  or  submitted  to,  it  will  be  abandoned,  or  pushed  to  results,  which  no  nation 
now  ventures  openly  to  avow.  It  is  but  a  few  years  since,  a  principle  looking  to  an 
American  balance  of  power,  was  announced  by  the  French  Prime  Minister,  Mr-  Guizot, 
in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  in  relation  to  occurrences  at  Buenos  Ayres,  utterly  incon¬ 
sistent  with  the  true  American  doctrine;  and  no  doubt  our  own  negligence,  or  rather 
our  timidity,  has  encouraged  this  spirit  of  presumption,  and  led  to  the  belief,  that  we  do 
not  intend  to  carry  out  our  own  principles,  and  that,  therefore,  they  may  be  safely  dis¬ 
regarded  by  other  nations. 


4 


I  repeat,  that  the  nature  of  our  Government  furnishes  a  satisfactory  solution  of  this 
course  of  foreign  policy.  The  annunciation  of  our  views  upon  this  subject  was  intended 
to  warn  the  Powers  of  Europe  of  our  policy,  and  thus  to  prevent  the  violation  of  its 
principle.  But  upon  this,  as  upon  many  other  occasions,  we  halted  in  our  course,  and 
did  not  come  up  to  our  work.  Wt  did  not  keep  on  the  line  of  political  knowledge. 
We  should  have  added  the  solemnity  and  the  force  of  a  legislative  concurrence  to  these 
Executive  declarations.  Such  annunciations,  when  made  by  the  head  of  a  European 
State,  are  made  authoritatively,  because,  he  who  issues  them,  has  the  power  to  entorce 
them.  They  become  settled  maxims  of  policy,  and  other  nations  are  aware,  that  they 
cannot  be  interfered  with,  except  at  the  hazard  of  war.  But  it  is  far  different  here. 
Great  principles  of  national  conduct  depend  essentially  upon  public  sentiment,  and  can 
only  be  enforced  in  the  last  resort  by  the  action  of  Congress.  Public  sentiment  has,  I 
believe,  with  almost  unexampled  unanimity,  approved  this  principle,  but  Congress  has 
never,  by  action  or  declaration,  given  to  it  the  sanction  of  its  authority.  That  decisive 
measure  should  have  been  taken,  when  the  Executive  first  promulgated  the  doctrine. 
The  claim,  therefore,  has  rested  barren  among  our  archives,  only  to  bear  certain  fruit, 
when  the  Legislature  of  the  Republic  adopt  as  its  own. 

An  able  and  distinguished  Senator  from  Ohio,  now  no  longer  among  us,  (Mr.  Allen,) 
seeing  the  importance  of  this  policy,  and  forseeing  the  necessity  of  making  it  our  own, 
and  respected  as  such,  by  a  more  signal  public  act,  attempted,  some  six  or  seven  years 
since,  to  press  the  subject  on  the  consideration  of  Congress,  but  his  exertions,  which 
deserved  a  better  fate,  were  fruitless,  and  we  compromitted  alike  our  honor  and  our  in¬ 
terests,  by  shrinking’  from  a  responsibility  not  less  noble,  in  my  opinion,  than  it  was 
important.  The  Senate,  if  I  recollect  aright,  refused  even  to  consider  the  subject.  We 
would  not  denounce  interference,  because  that  would  be  to  interfere.  And  we  should 
thus  be  led,  but  how  I  know  not,  into  entangling  alliances,  the  bugbear  of  American 
politics,  which  raises  its  spectral  front,  whenever  it  is  proposed  to  take  a  decided  step  in 
our  foreign  intercourse.  This  national  timidity  never  did  any  good,  and  never  will. 
There  are  positions  in  the  progress  of  a  people,  when  firmness  is  not  only  wisdom  but 
safety;  and  one  of  these  we  have  now  reached. 

Mr.  Monroe,  when  he  first  announced  this  policy,  considered  the  occasion  proper  for 
the  assertion  of  “  a  principle  in  which  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  United  States  are 
involved.”  If  the  circumstances,  to  which  he  referred,  justified  this  great  and  untried 
measure  at  that  day,  much  more  do  the  circumstances,  in  which  we  are  now  placed, 
justify  the  most  solemn  declaration  of  our  adherence  to  it.  Some  of  the  independent 
States  of  Spanish  origin  seem  to  be  hastening  to  dissolution,  and  almost  all  of  them  are 
weak,  unquiet,  agitated,  and  with  elements  of  destruction  in  more  or  less  active  opera¬ 
tion. 

The  most  important  in  extent,  in  population,  and  in  natural  resources,  and  the  one 
which,  from  its  conterminous  position,  has  the  most  intimate  relations  with  our  peace 
and  interests,  is  precisely  the  Power,  whose  fate  appears  to  be  the  most  doubtful.  Its 
internal  agitations  announce  one  of  those  catastrophes,  whose  consequences  are  beyond 
the  reach  of  human  sagacity. 

It  is  impossible,  but  that  this  state  of  things  should  have  attracted  the  attention  of 
European  statesmen,  and  have  given  rise  to  schemes,  more  or  less  matured,  for  turning 
the  circumstances  to  the  advantage  of  the  two  great  Powers,  most  likely  to  interfere, 
because  most  interested,  and  most  capable  of  making  their  interference  felt.  We  cannot 
disguise  fiom  ourselves,  that  our  progress  and  prospects,  while  they  are  a  reproach  to 
many  of  the  Governments  of  the  Old  World,  have  excited  their  enmity  by  the  contrasts 
they  exhibit,  and  by  the  dangerous  example  they  offer  to  the  oppressed  masses,  inviting 
them  to  do  as  we  have  done,  and  to  become  free,  as  we  are  free.  He,  who  does  not 
know,  that  there  is  not  a  Government  in  Europe,  which  is  a  friend  to  our  institutions, 
has  much  to  learn  of  the  impressions,  that  our  past,  and  present,  and  probable  future, 
are  producing  among  them.  And  while  we  should  watch  their  designs  with  constant, 
even  with  jealous  care,  it  does  not  become  us  to  magnify  either  our  own  danger  or  their 
power.  I  have  no  fear  of  a  direct  attack  upon  this  country.  I  do  not  believe,  that  such 
a  project  is  even  among  the  reveries  of  the  most  dreaming  statesman,  now  on  the  stage 
of  action.  But  what  we  have  to  apprehend  is  plans  for  arresting  our  extent  and  pros¬ 
perity,  the  seizure  of  positions,  by  which  we  might  be  annoyed  and  circumscribed,  and 
the  creation  of  an  influence,  and  of  schemes  of  policy,  offering  powerful  obstacles  to  our 
future  advancement.  Motives  have  always  existed  and  been  in  operation  for  checking 


5 


our  progress,  but  recent  events  have  added,  as  well  to  their  number,  as  their  gravity. 
We  have  acquired  an  extensive  territory  upon  the  shores  of  the  great  ocean  of  the  west, 
and  our  flag  now  waves  in  the  breeze,  that  comes  from  the  islands  and  continent  of 
Asia. 

Think  you,  Mr.  President,  there  is  a  maritime  nation  in  Europe,  which  does  not 
desire,  that  every  possible  obstacle  should  be  interposed  in  the  way  of  all  communication 
between  the  eastern  and  the  western  portions  of  this  magnificent  Republican  empire? 
Not  one;  and  Nicaragua  routes,  and  Panama  routes,  and  Tehuantepec  routes,  and  all 
others,  if  there  are  any  others,  to  be  used  by  us,  are  so  many  abominations  in  their  eyes, 
to  be  tolerated  only  till  they  can  be  closed  upon  us  by  the  occupation  of  commanding 
positions,  whenever  opportunities  can  be  found,  or  made  for  seizing  them.  Considera¬ 
tions  of  this  nature,  far  more  than  their  intrinsic  value,  give  importance  to  Honduras, 
to  the  Colony  of  the  Bay  of  Islands,  to  Sonora,  to  Chihuahua,  and  to  other  points, 
where  European  intrigues  have  been  at  work  to  obtain  possession.  All  we  want  is  a 
fair  and  equal  field  for  exertion,  and  if  we  have  not  industry  and  enterprise  enough  to 
hold  our  own  way,  in  the  great  career  of  advancement,  we  deserve  to  fall  behind  our 
rivals  and  cotemporaries,  and  ought  to  find  no  one  “to  do  us  reverence.”  But  I  have 
no  fear  of  this,  nor  indeed  has  any  one  else.  It  should,  therefore,  be  a  cardinal  maxim 
of  our  policy,  to  preserve,  as  far  as  we  can,  the  integrity  of  the  Cisatlantic  Republics, 
for  it  is  almost  as  much  for  their  interest  as  it  is  for  ours,  that  these  great  lines  of  com¬ 
munication  should  be  opened  to  all  the  world,  and  free  to  the  competition  of  every 
nation. 

There  has  recently  been  an  attempt  to  wrest  Sonora  from  the  Mexican  dominion, 
which  at  first  attracted  some  attention  in  this  country;  but  it  has  apparently  failed,  and 
the  effort  seems  now  rather  to  be  ridiculed  than  condemned.  The  circumstances,  con¬ 
nected  with  the  origin  of  that  movement,  are  obscure,  but  public  rumor  at  first  assigned 
it  indirectly  to  French  agents,  made  with  a  view  to  the  extension  of  the  jurisdiction  of 
their  country  over  that  region.  There  are  strong  reasons  for  believing,  that  this  conjec¬ 
ture  was  correct,  though  to  what  extent  those  concerned,  acted  from  authority,  will  pro¬ 
bably  never  be’known,  especially  as  the  result  was  unfortunate,  and  such  an  event  gen¬ 
erally  leaves  these  secret  political  agents  to  meet  the  consequences  of  their  own  responsi¬ 
bility.  But  it  is  not  a  little  curious,  that  it  was  known  here,  that  such  a  movement 
would  be  made,  before  we  had  any  actual  information  of  its  occurrence,  and  it  was 
understood  to  be  under  the  direction  of  French  interests,  and  with  the  design  of  French 
acquisition.  I  received  a  letter  myself,  from  a  quarter,  I  am  not  at  liberty  to  disclose, 
some  days  before  we  heard  of  the  enterprise,  which  I  mentioned  to  my  colleague  and  to 
other  gentlemen,  foretelling  the  movement  and  coupling  it  with  designs  of  permanent 
annexation.  And  a  document  has  since  reached  this  country,  which  is  worthy  of  our 
attention,  and  which  goes  far  to  confirm  these  anticipations.  It  is  a  memoir,  published 
recently  at  Paris,  by  Mr.  Dupasquier  de  Dommartin,  in  order  to  draw  the  attention  of 
European  Powers,  and  especially  of  France,  to  the  purpose  of  colonizing  Sonora  and 
Northern  Mexico,  as  the  only  means  of  checking  the  rapid  and  formidable  growth  of  the 
United  States,  and  preventing  forever  the  acquisition  of  a  railroad  from  the  Mississippi  to 
the  Pacific  ocean.  The  writer  has  devoted  himself  for  some  time  to  the  careful  study  of 
this  subject,  has  thoroughly  explored  the  region  of  which  he  writes,  and  has  laid  the 
foundation  for  the  policy  he  recommends,  by  procuring ,  through  the  aid  of  the  French 
Minister  in  Mexico ,  large  grants  of  land  for  the  purpose  of  colonization,  from  the  local 
authorities  of  Sonora  and  Chihuahua. 

It  is  well  remarked  by  the  New  York  Times — to  which  paper  I  owe  the  above  ex¬ 
tract,  as  well  as  the  translated  memoir — that  the  fact  of  the  commencement  of  such  a 
colony,  with  the  open  avowal  of  such  a  purpose,  is,  of  itself,  sufficient  to  command  the 
prompt  attention  of  the  American  people  and  Government.  And  the  interest  is  increased 
By  the  consideration,  that  such  an  appeal  is  thus  publicly  made  for  co-operation  in  the 
plan  ;  made,  too,  in  the  French  capital,  where  no  such  publication  could  appear,  with¬ 
out  the  consent  of  the  Government,  that  a  French  company  has  obtained  exclusive  grants 
in  Sonora  ;  and  that  an  attempt  has  been  made  to  wrest  that  region  by  arms  from  Mex¬ 
ico.  All  these  may,  by  possibility,  be  accidental  coincidences,  and  not  co-operating  cau¬ 
ses  ;  but  the  suggestion  requires  a  good  deal  of  national  charity,  before  it  can  become 
even  credible.  I  wish  there  was  time  to  lay  this  memoir  before  the  Senate,  for  it  is  a 
very  significant  document,  advocating  the  very  policy  from  which  we  have  most  to  fear 
in  all  our  foreign  relations.  But  I  must  confine  myself  to  a  very  general  summary  of  it. 


6 


The  writer  adverts  to  our  commercial  interests,  and  to  their  extension  ;  to  our  object  to 
obtain  absolute  command  of  the  commerce  of  the  world,  and  to  the  certainty  with  which 
our  projects  of  aggrandizement  will  be  affected,  from  the  wronderful  progress  we  are  ma¬ 
king,  and  shall  make,  unless  Europe  interferes  to  prevent  it.  He  then  considers  the 
condition  of  Mexico,  with  a  view  to  show,  that  from  her  state  of  weakness  and  division, 
she  will  fall  a  prey  to  the  grasping  rapacity  of  the  United  States,  unless  saved  by  Euro¬ 
pean  colonization.  He  also  gives  a  narrative  of  bis  explorations  in  Mexico,  and  of  his 
efforts  to  lay  the  foundation  for  carrying  his  designs  into  effect.  This  brief  abstract 
must  suffice  for  the  general  purpose  I  have  in  view.  I  shall  add  to  it  the  summary  made 
by  the  author  himself.  He  says  : 

“  From  the  preceding  there  result  two  facts :  First,  that  Mexico  possesses  the  key  of  the 
Northern  Continent,  of  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific,  by  land  and  by  these  two  seas,  of  all 
the  commerce  which  is  carried  on  there.  Second,  that  the  existence  of  Mexico,  pressed 
on  all  parts  by  the  United  States,  hangs  only  by  a  thread.” 

“  The  whole  question  is  now  reduced  to  knowing  if  Europe  will  permit  the  United 
States  to  obtain  so  much  power.” 

A  French  periodical,  of  high  and  established  character,  The  Annuaire  Des  Deux 
Mondes,  for  1852,  has  some  remarks  strongly  corroborative  of  the  importance  of  the  sug¬ 
gestions  of  Dr.  Dupasquier  de  Dommartin.  “Some  attempts,”  says  that  journal,  “  to  af¬ 
ford  a  remedy  for  Mexican  difficulties,  have  meantime  been  recently  made.  We  men¬ 
tion  the  commencement  of  the  colonization  of  the  State  of  Sonora,  which  has  been  great¬ 
ly  aided  by  the  French  Minister.”  He  who  supposes  that  a  French  diplomatic  agent 
would  take  such  a  step,  without  the  instructions  of  his  Government,  knows  nothing  of 
that  punctillious  sentiment  of  duty,  which  animates  his  corps,  and  little  of  the  responsi¬ 
bility  he  would  encounter.  “Three  hundred  Frenchmen,”  says  our  authority,  “collected 
from  different  parts  of  the  Republic,  are  already  settled  upon  the  lands  granted  by  the 
Government.  Within  a  few  years,  a  Frenchman,  Mr.  Dupasquier  de  Dommartin,  has 
shown  a  lively  interest  in  these  projects  of  colonization.”  ***** 

“  This,”  the  adoption  of  his  plans,  “  will  be  the  surest  dyke  against  the  usurpation  of 
the  American  race.”  *********** 

“  There  is  also  involved  the  great  interest  of  influence  for  Europe,  in  not  allowing  to  be 
accomplished,  in  spite  of  her,  perhaps  against  her,  and  to  her  detriment,  this  new  dis¬ 
memberment  of  the  Spanish-American  Empire.”  The  Courrier  des  Etats  Unis,  publish¬ 
ed  at  New  York,  the  well-known  organ  of  the  French  Government  in  this  country,  in 
an  article,  a  few”  days  since,  made  a  very  pregnant  allusion,  whether  carelessly  or  care¬ 
fully  I  know  not,  but  certainly  well  worthy  of  attention:  “As  yet,”  says  the  Courrier, 
‘France  has  not  set  her  foot  on  the  American  continent.  We  may  fear  what  she  will  do, 
we  admit ,  but  in  good  faith  she  does  not  yet  merit  the  least  crimination.”  This  is  hon¬ 
est  enough,  indeed,  whether  intended  as  a  prophecy  or  as  a  warning.  It  may  be  that  it 
will  be  found  expedient  to  irradiate  the  new  empire  with  the  luster  of  conquest ;  and  it 
also  may  be,  that  the  great  augmentation  of  the  French  Navy  is  connected  with  the  de¬ 
signs  upon  this  continent,  so  distinctly  portrayed  in  the  quotations  I  have  made.  No¬ 
thing  is  lost  by  a  provident  forecast. 

Now,  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  by  any  man,  who  is  familiar  with  the  course  of  Euro¬ 
pean  interposition,  that  if  the  effort  just  made  to  overthrow  the  Mexican  Government  in 
Sonora  had  succeeded,  ere  long  the  country  would  have  passed  into  the  possession  of 
France,  unless  prevented  by  our  remonstrances,  or  by  armed  intervention.  As  it  failed, 
we  shall  not  know  its  true  history,  until  we  read  it  in  another  attempt,  and  perhaps  a 
successful  one.  That,  however,  will  not  be  made,  if  we  are  true  to  ourselves,  by  an¬ 
nouncing  and  continuing  to  manifest  a  determination  to  resist  it,  or  any  similar  scheme 
of  European  aggrandizement. 

It  is  obvious,  from  the  foregoing  recapitulation,  that  our  policy  and  purposes  are  at¬ 
tracting  the  attention  of  Europe,  and,  whatever  difference  of  opinion  may  prevail,  re¬ 
specting  the  true  origin  and  objects  of  the  recent  movements  in  Sonora,  it  is  equally  ob¬ 
vious,  that  we  may  look,  for  similar  explosions,  from  time  to  time,  with  results  far  more 
injurious  to  us,  unless  anticipated  and  prevented  by  a  prompt,  bold,  and  decisive  decla¬ 
rations,  made  to  be  enforced  with  all  our  power,  should  circumstances  be  grave  enough  to 
require  us  to  put  forth  our  whole  strength. 

If,  then,  we  have  a  right  to  insist  upon  this  principle  of  American  exemption,  and  if 
the  condition  of  things,  here  and  elsewhere,  may  render  the  exercise  of  this  right  essen- 


7 


tial  to  ouf  interest  and  our  safety,  and,  still  more,  if  the  original  annunciation  of  the 
doctrine  meet,  as  it  unquestionably  does,  the  general  approbation  of  the  country,  what 
objection  can  there  be  to  its  reaffirmation  by  Congress,  the  depository  of  so  much  of  the 
power  of  the  American  people?  Why  this  course  is  rendered  necessary,  I  have  already 
explained,  and  have  shown,  that  the  time,  which  has  intervened  since  its  first  proclama¬ 
tion,  and  the  circumstances,  which  have  almost  reduced  it  to  a  dead  letter,  have  pro¬ 
duced  the  impression,  which  evidently  prevails  in  Europe,  that  we  are  not  prepared  to 
enforce  it,  as  the  war-making  authority  has  refused  or  neglected  to  sanction  it — why,  I 
repeat,  withhold  this  action,  and  leave  us  thereby  to  encourage  untoward  events,  which 
due  firmness,  on  our  part  might  anticipate,  and  would  probably  prevent?  The  decree 
stands  recorded  in  the  history  of  our  Executive  acts.  It  is  essential  to  its  vitality,  that 
it  should  now  take  its  place  in  the  acts  of  the  Legislative  Department.  Why  not?  Do 
you  mean  to  leave  it  without  effect,  and  abandon  it  to  its  fate,  and  not  even  attempt  to 
enforce  it?  If  so,  it  would  be  much  more  honorable  to  repeal  it.  Or  do  you  desire  its 
efficient  action  in  great  exigencies,  which  may  come,  probably,  indeed,  will  come,  for 
if  you  do,  you  must  fortify  it  by  the  declaration  of  your  zealous  concurrence,  and,  if 
need  be,  your  powerful  co-operation.  Or  are  we  afraid  to  speak  out  boldly,  plainly,  as 
becomes  the  American  people,  trusting  to  the  miserable  policy  of  expedients,  instead  of 
asserting  our  rights  and  our  determination  to  maintain  them>  It  may  be  consoling  to 
observe,  at  least  for  those,  who  need  the  consolation,  that  a  legislative  declaration  wTould, 
to  say  the  least  of  it,  have  a  strong  tendency  to  prevent  attempts,  which,  without,  such 
an  imposing  measure,  would  doubtless  be  made;  for  assuredly  a  contest  with  the  United 
States  for  the  acquisition  of  territory  in  North  America,  the  very  seat  of  our  power, 
would  not  be  hazarded  without  very  powerful  considerations,  which  it  is  difficult  to  for- 
see,  in  the  face  of  the  exertions  of  this  country,  putting  forth  all  its  strength. 

So  much  for  this  project  of  reconverting  the  American  continent  into  European  colo¬ 
nies,  and  for  the  position,  it  is  our  duty  to  assume  and  maintain  in  relation  to  it.  And 
now  for  the  second  resolution,  which  looks  to  the  present  and  the  future  of  the  Island 
of  Cuba. 

But  before  proceeding  to  the  consideration  of  it,  it  is  proper  to  remark,  that  its  form 
has  provoked  a  good  deal  of  animadverson  and  some  opposition,  because  the  desire  of  the 
United  States  to  purchase  Cuba  is  not  distinctly  announced  upon  this  occasion.  Mr. 
President,  it  is  an  occasion,  which  is  not  appropriate  to  such  a  declaration.  Our  pre¬ 
sent  purpose,  in  this  appeal  to  the  world,  is  to  announce  our  policy,  should  any  other 
nation  attempt  to  obtain  possession,  by  the  consent  or  without  the  consent  of  Spain,  and 
in  the  conviction,  that  such  a  solemn  procedure  will  have  a  tendency  to  prevent  designs, 
which  might  otherwise  be  undertaken.  But  our  purchase  of  Cuba  is  a  question  between 
us  and  Spain,  and  requires  no  public  annunciation  to  other  nations,  and  to  make  it, 
would  be  a  sacrifice  of  our  own  self-respect. 

So  far  as  respects  my  own  personal  views,  these  I  have  already  explained  to  the  Serr¬ 
ate.  I  desire  the  possession  of  Cuba,  earnestly  desire  it,  whenever  we  can  justly  obtain 
it,  and  the  sooner  that  time  comes  the  better;  for  then  will  be  finally  settled  one  of  the 
most  delicate  questions — the  most  delicate,  perhaps,  in  our  foreign  policy,  always  liable 
to  embarrass  us  by  grave  conjunctures,  more  easily  to  be  forseen,  than  to  be  guarded 
against.  As  to  the  means,  though  as  I  have  already  said,  I  am  prepared  to  advocate  its 
purchase,  even  at  the  most  liberal  price, — still,  I  should  prefer  its  acquisition  by  the  ac¬ 
tion  of  the  people  of  Cuba — and  a  noble  tribute  it  would  be  to  our  institutions — in  the 
exercise  of  their  power  as  an  independent  nation,  could  they  succeed  by  any  arrange¬ 
ment  with  Spain,  in  procuring  her  recognition  of  that  condition,  or  should  they  be  able 
and  prepared  to  establish  their  right  to  a  place  in  the  family  of  nations. 

There  are  two  questions  involved  in  this  subject  of  Cuba,  one  of  right,  the  other 
of  expediency.  Whether  we  can  do  anything  justly,  and  if  we  can,  what  and  how 
much  we  ought  to  do.  This  great  measure  of  policy,  connected  with  the  destiny  of  that 
important  insular  position,  has  long  occupied  the  attention  of  the  American  people,  and 
the  considerations,  bearing  upon  it,  have  been  so  often  and  so  elaborately  presented,  that 
I  shall  confine  my  present  remarks  within  the  narrowest  compass,  which  the  gravity  of  the 
inquiry  will  permit.  We  are  all  aware  of  the  recent  circumstances,  which  have  attracted 
and  arrested  public  attention;  and  though  the  crisis  they  appeared  to  foreshadow  has 
passed  away,  still  there  are  elements  of  difficulty,  arising  out  of  theu  ncertain  condition 
of  the  Spanish  monarchy,  both  metropolitan  and  colonial,  which  must  be  in  active  ope¬ 
ration,  ever  liable  to  produce  results,  gravely  affecting  our  vital  interests. 


8 


The  right  of  one  country,  to  occupy  or  control  portions  of  the  possessions  of  another, 
is  Reducible  from  the  great  law  of  self-defence,  which  is  as  applicable  to  communities  as 
to  individuals.  There  are  many  instances  in  modern  history  of  the  application  of  this 
doctrine,  and  the  code,  which  regulates  the  intercourse  of  nations,  and  which  adapts  it¬ 
self  to  the  existing  circumstances  of  the  world,  recognizes  this  power  of  self-preservation. 
Like  other  human  pretensions,  this  is  liable  to  abuse,  and  has  been  greatly  abused  in 
Europe,  and  especially  by  the  usurpations,  arising  out  of  the  b'alance  of  power — a  prin¬ 
ciple  avowedly  introduced  for  the  protection  of  the  weak  against  the  strong,  but  practi¬ 
cally  perverted  to  make  the  strong  more  powerful,  and  the  weak  more  dependent.  A 
nation,  feeling  the  responsibility  of  its  conduct  towards  God  and  man,  and  sensible  of  its 
own  duties,  should  take  care,  when  driven  to  avert  danger  by  anticipating  it,  that  it  does 
not  mistake  a  spirit  of  aggrandizement  for  the  just  claims  of  self-defence,  and  seize  the 
fleet  of  a  friendly  Power,  a  Danish  fleet,  for  example,  as  a  mere  instrument  of  mari¬ 
time  supremacy. 

The  true  principle  is  well  laid  down  in  our  own  legislative  history,  and  was  an¬ 
nounced  in  the  resolution  of  Congress  of  March  3d,  1811,  which  declared  that, 

“  Taking  into  view  the  peculiar  situation  of  Spain,  and  of  her  American  provinces, 
and  considering  the  influence,  which  the  destiny  of  the  territory  adjoining  the  southern 
border  of  the  United  States,  may  have  upon^their  security,  tranquility,  and  commerce: 
Therefore 

“ Resolved  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States  of 
America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  the  United  States,  under  the  peculiar  circum¬ 
stances  ot  the  existing  crisis,  cannot,  without  serious  inquietude,  see  any  part  of  the  said 
territory  pass  into  the  hands  of  any  foreign  Power,  and  that  a  due  regard  to  their  own 
safety  compels  them  to  provide,  under  certain  contingencies,  for  the  temporary  occupa¬ 
tion  of  the  said  territory.  They  at  the  same  time  declare,  that  the  said  territory  shall, 
in  their  hands,  remain  subject  to  future  negotiations." 

And  in  the  act  of  Congress,  passed  on  the  same  day,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  thi* 
declaratory  resolution  into  effect,  it  is  provided  that  the  President  “  be  authorized  to  take 
possession  of  the  country  east  of  the  Perdido  river,  and  south  of  the  State  of  Georgia  and 
of  the  Misssssippi  Territory,”  among  other  events,  in  case  it  should  be  delivered  up  by  the 
local  authority,  “or  in  the  event  of  an  attempt  to  occupy  the  said  territory  by  any  foreign 
Government.” 

This  is  our  doctrine  and  our  policy,  and  the  very  proposition  of  the  French  and  Bri¬ 
tish  Governments  to  our  own,  to  regulate  by  a  tripartite  treaty,  without  the  participation 
of  Spain,  the  future  condition  of  Cuba,  is  itself  a  concession  of  the  right  to  direct  and 
control  peculiar  positions,  upon  whose  fate  important  interests  depend. 

Does  the  Island  of  Cuba  present  those  paramount  considerations,  connected  with  our 
safety  and  prosperity,  which  justify  the  United  States  in  the  exercise  of  a  vigilant  super¬ 
vision  over  its  destiny,  and  in  the  adoption  of  decisive  measures  for  its  possession,  should 
any  other  nation  seek  to  obtain  it,  by  force  or  by  purchase?  The  importance  of  the 
question,  rather  than  any  difficulty  in  its  solution,  deserves  a  passing  consideration,  and 
in  referring  to  it,  I  must  repeat  views,  I  have  heretofore  presented  to  the  Senate  upon 
this  subject. 

The  Gulf  of  Mexico  is  the  reservoir  of  the  great  river  of  the  North  American  conti¬ 
nent,  whose  importance  it  is  as  difficult  to  realize,  as  it  is  the  value  of  the  country, 
which  must  seek  an  outlet  to  the  ocean  through  its  waters.  That  country  is  nearly 
equal  to  all  Europe  in  extent,  embracing  twenty-five  degrees  of  latitude,  and  thirty-five 
of  longitude  upon  the  great  circles  of  the  globe.  This  vast  basin  extends  from  the 
summit  of  the  Alleghany  to  the  summit  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  its  population 
now  equals  eight  millions.  The  man  yet  lives,  who  was  living,  when  almost  the  first 
tree  fell  before  the  woodman’s  stroke  in  this  great  domain;  and  the  man  is  now  living, 
who  will  live  to  see  it  contain  one  hundred  millions  of  people.  Already  the  hardy  western 
pioneer  has  crossed  the  barrier  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  the  forest  is  giving  way  before 
human  industry  upon  the  very  shores,  that  look  out  upon  China  and  Japan.  The  Mis¬ 
sissippi  is  the  great  artery  of  this  region;  which,  drawing  its  supplies  from  the  fountains 
at  the  north,  pours  them  into  the  ocean  under  a  tropical  sun,  and  drains,  in  its  own 
course,  and  in  the  course  of  its  mighty  tributaries — tributaries  in  name,  but  equals  and 
rivals  in  fact — the  most  magnificent  empire,  which  God,  in  his  providence,  has  ever 
given  to  man  to  reclaim  and  enjoy.  I  have  myself  descended  that  great  stream  two 


9 


thousand  miles  in  a  birch  canoe,  admiring  the  country  through  which  it  passes  in  a  state 
of  nature,  and  lost  in  the  contemplation  of  what  that  country  is  to  be,  when  subdued  by 
human  industry.  The  statistics  of  such  a  region,  in  years  to  come,  is  a  subject  too  vast 
for  calculation.  Its  extent,  fertility,  salubrity,  means  of  internal  navigations,  and  the 
character  of  the  people,  who  will  inhabit  it,  baffle  all  efforts  to  estimate  its  productive¬ 
ness,  the  tribute,  which  its  industry  will  pay  to  the  wants  of  the  world,  and  the  sup¬ 
plies,  which  the  comfort  and  habits  of  its  people  may  require. 

During  the  palmy  days  of  Napoleon,  it  is  said,  that  one  of  his  projects  was  to  convert 
the  Mediterranean  into  a  French  lake.  England  has  nearly  done  what  defied  the  power 
and  ambition  of  the  Great  Conqueror.  She  has  almost  converted  it  into  an  English 
lake,  in  time  of  war.  Gibraltar  commands  its  entrance,  Malta  the  channel  between 
Sicily  and  Africa,  and  the  Ionian  Islands  the  waters  of  the  Levant.  There  were  good 
reasons  for  believing,  a  short  time  since,  that  England  was  seeking  to  obtain  a  cession 
of  the  Island  of  Crete,  the  ancient  kingdom  of  Minos,  which  would  give  her  the 
port  of  Canea,  that  I  found  one  of  the  most  magnificient  harbors  in  the  world,  equally 
capacious  and  secure.  If  England,  in  the  pursuit  of  the  same  system,  should  acquire 
similar  commanding  positions  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  that  great  reservoir  would  become 
a  mare  clausum ,  and  no  keel  would  plow  it,  nor  canvas  whiten  it,  in  time  of  war,  but 
by  her  permission.  Now,  sir,  looking  to  the  extent  of  our  coast  in  that  direction;  to 
the  productions,  which  must  pass  there  to  seek  a  market ;  to  the  nature  of  our  popula¬ 
tion;  and  to  the  effect  upon  all  these,  which  a  permanent  naval  superiority  would  pro¬ 
duce — where  is  the  American,  who  is  not  prepared  to  adopt  any  measures  to  avert  such 
a  calamitous  state  of  things?  Who  can  fail  to  see  the  nature  of  the  predatory  warfare, 
which  England  would  carry  on,  in  all  times  of  hostilities,  from  her  various  positions, 
which  would  encircle  the  Gulf,  from  the  Bahamas  to  Cuba  and  to  Yucatan?  And 
who,  also,  can  fail  to  see,  that  even  in  time  of  peace,  her  many  harbors  would  become 
places  of  refuge  for  a  certain  class  of  our  population,  and  that  perpetual  collisions 
would  occur,  involving  the  peace  of  the  two  countries? 

The  Gulf  of  Mexico,  sir,  must  be  practically  an  American  lake,  for  the  great  purpose 
of  security,  not  to  exclude  other  nations  from  its  enjoyment,  but  to  prevent  any  domi¬ 
nant  Power,  with  foreign  or  remote  interests,  from  controlling  its  navigation.  It  be¬ 
comes  us  to  look  our  difficulties  in  the  face.  Nothing  is  gained  by  blinking  a  great 
question.  Prudent  statesmen  should  survey  it,  and  as  far  as  may  be,  provide  for  it. 
We  have,  indeed,  no  Mount  Carmel,  like  that  of  Judea,  nor  prophet  to  ascend  it,  and 
to  warn  us  against  a  coming  storm.  But  the  home  of  every  citizen  is  a  Mount  Carmel 
for  us,  whence  we  can  survey  the  approaching  cloud,  even  when  no  bigger  than  a  man’s 
hand,  which  threatens  to  overspread  the  political  atmosphere,  and  to  burst  in  danger 
upon  his  country. 

So  long  as  Cuba  is  held  by  its  present  possessors,  neither  we,  nor  the  commercial 
world  have  anything  to  fear  from  the  projects  of  England  or  France;  for  the  latter 
country  also  has  its  schemes  of  territorial  and  mercantile  aggrandizement,  as  is  apparent 
from  the  considerations,  I  have  already  presented  to  the  Senate.  Spain  is  not  now  in  a 
condition,  and  in  all  human  probability  never  can  be,  seriously  to  annoy  us,  even  if  she 
had  the  disposition,  and  we  may  well  rely  upon  her  want  of  power  and  her  want  of 
will,  and  rest  satisfied  that  her  most  precious  dependency,  the  Queen  of  the  Antilles, 
will  not  be  hazarded  by  converting  it  into  a  military  and  naval  arsenal  for  interrupting 
and  seizing  our  commerce,  and  devastating  our  coasts.  But  let  the  dominion  be  trans¬ 
ferred  to  England  or  France,  and  where  are  we?  The  mouth  of  our  great  river  might 
be  hermetically  closed,  and  the  most  disastrous  injuries  inflicted  upon  us.  I  need  not 
pursue  these  considerations  further,  for  he,  who  is  incredulous  to  their  force,  would  not 
be  driven  from  his  incredulity  by  any  effort  of  mine. 

Such  being  the  intimate  relations  between  this  island- fortress  and  our  safety  and  pros¬ 
perity,  are  there  such  indications  of  danger,  as  to  call  upon  a  provident  nation  to  decide 
upon  its  course  promptly,  and  to  pursue  it  inflexibly?  The  signs  upon  this  subject  are 
neither  few  nor  doubtful.  I  am  not  going  to  review  them.  But  no  man  of  ordinary  sa¬ 
gacity,  looking  to  the  acknowledged  policy  of  France  and  England,  can  question  the  de¬ 
sire  of  both  of  them  to  acquire  this  commanding  position.  And  a  characteristic  incident 
occurred  not  long  since  in  the  House  of  Commons,  which  shows  the  views  of  British 
statesmen  upon  this  subject.  Lord  George  Bentinck,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  pub¬ 
lic  men  of  England,  and  then  the  Tory  leader  in  the  Commons,  in  a  discussion  which 
took  place  there,  said : 


10 


"He  had  read  in  the  Times  an  extract  from  a  United  States  paper,  in  which  it  was 
stated,  that  if  the  United  States  did  not  possess  herself  of  Cuba,  Great  Britain  would* 
and  that  England  had  a  greater  claim,  by  one  hundred  fold,  on  Cuba  than  the  United 
States  had  to  Mexico,  because  a  sum  of  £45,000,000  was  due  to  British  subjects,  and 
Cuba  was  hypothecated  for  the  debt,  &c.,  &c.  He  would  therefore  say  at  once,  let  them 
(the  British)  take  possession  of  Cuba,  and  settle  the  question  altogether.  Let  them  dis¬ 
train  upon  it  for  the  just  debt  due — and  too  long  in  vain — from  the  Spanish  Government.” 

And  then  comes  the  true  key  to  the  English  heart: 

“  Then  depend  upon  it,”  continued  the  speaker,  “  when  Great  Britain  possessed  the 
Havana,  as  once  she  did  in  1762,  when  she  held  it  for  about  a  year, and  then  exchanged 
it  for  the  Floridas,  and  when  she  could  cut  the  trate  of  America  in  two,  no  more 
boasts  would  be  heard  of  what  the  United  States  could  do,”  &c. 

The  importance  of  Cuba  to  our  interest  seems  to  be  pretty  well  appreciated  in  the 
halls  of  British  legislation.  This  last  candid  avowal,  of  a  design  and  a  desire  to  cut  in 
twain  the  commerce  along  our  southern  coasts,  would  find  its  proper  place  in  a  precious 
article  published  some  years  since  in  Blackwood’s  Edinburgh  Magazine,  entitled  “A 
War  with  the  United  States  a  Blessing  to  Mankind,”  filled  with  some  of  the  most  cold¬ 
blooded  suggestions,  that  ever  marked  even  that  notorious  receptacle  of  vile  slanders 
against  this  country.  The  present  security  of  Cuba  from  European  interference,  inde¬ 
pendent  of  our  position,  is  to  be  found  in  the  jealousy  of  France  and  England.  And 
could  this  be  removed  by  any  scheme  of  partition,  the  mortgage  would  be  foreclosed,  for 
France  also  has  a  similar  hen,  and  the  property  transferred,  as  soon  as  the  process  could 
be  completed.  And  we  are  reminded,  in  the  recent  correspondence  between  Mr.  Everett 
and  the  Ministers  of  France  and  England,  on  the  subject  of  the  proposed  tripartite  treaty, 
suggestively  or  significantly,  as  may  be,  that  the  hypothecation  is  yet  in  full  force  as 
“  British  and  French  subjects,  as  well  as  the  French  Government  are,  on  different  ac¬ 
counts,  creditors  of  Spain  for  large  sums  of  money.”  How  soon  the  creditors  may  dis¬ 
train,  in  the  language  of  Lord  George  Bentinck,  may  depend  upon  our  course.  I  am 
satisfied  they  will  resort  to  no  such  remedy,  should  we  keep  on  Mr.  Canning’s  line  of 
political  knowledge,  and  say,  if  you  touch  the  Island,  that  act  will  be  a  declaration  of 
war  against  the  United  States. 

Besides,  no  man  can  look  at  the  aspect  of  Europe,  without  feeling  assured  that,  from 
day  today,  collisions  may  arise  between  nations,  and  internal  convulsions  may  shake  the 
very  frame  of  society.  And  wars  may  thus  break  out,  extending  their  effects  through 
the  globe.  The  Spanish  monarchy,  it  may  be,  is  incapable  of  rejuvenation.  I  do  not 
know  how  that  may  be,  and  I  leave  it  to  a  wiser  or  to  a  rasher  man  than  I  am  to  speak 
confidently.  But  certainly  that  kingdom  is  marked  with  the  signs  of  some  approaching 
catastrophe.  If  the  new  French  Empire  follows  the  traditions,  as  it  inherits  the  nariie 
and  institutions  of  the  old,  which  rose  and  fell  with  its  founder — a  name  greater,  in  my 
opinion,  than  any  other  in  modern,  if  not  in  ancient  European  history — it  will  soon 
make  itself  felt  in  the  Hesperian  Peninsula,  and  become  the  arbiter  of  its  fate.  To  rely, 
as  some  profess  to  do,  upon  the  security,  which  the  present  state  of  things  in  Europe, 
gives  to  the  Spanish  dominion  in  Cuba,  is  to  neglect  the  most  obvious  dictates  of  policy, 
and  to  abandon  an  object  of  vast  importance  to  the  mere  chance  of  events. 

The  correspondence,  to  which  I  have  just  alluded,  gives  rise  to  some  serious  reflec¬ 
tions.  Before  adverting  to  these,  however,  I  desire  to  express  my  warm  approbation  of 
the  letter  of  Mr.  Everett.  It  is  worthy  of  his  character,  and  it  is  marked  by  a  lofty  pa¬ 
triotic  American  feeling.  I  have  seldom  seen  a  document  more  conclusive  in  its  argu¬ 
ment,  or  more  beautiful  in  its  style  or  illustrations.  If  it  had  announced  openly,  that 
we  desire  to  purchase  Cuba — and  that  declaration  would  have  basn  appropriate  to  the 
occasion — I  should  have  given  to  it  almost  my  unqualified  adhesion;  but  even  with  that 
omission,  I  feel  proud  of  it,  as  an  American  State  paper. 

And  I  thank  Mr.  Everett  for  the  reproof,  or  retort,  be  it  one  or  the  other,  caustic, 
though  a  little  reversed,  as  became  his  position,  but  plain  enough  withal,  which  he  ad¬ 
ministered  to  his  diplomatic  correspondents  on  the  subject  of  our  territorial  acquisitions, 
compared  with  those  of  France  and  England.  If  there  is  one  chapter  in  the  whole  his¬ 
tory  of  human  hypocrisy,  from  the  time  of  the  parable  of  the  Pharisee,  who  thanked  God 
he  was  not  as  other  men,  and  especially  as  that  Publican,  down  to  the  last  diatribe  against 
the  grasping  propensity  of  the  United  States,  more  remarkable  than  any  other  for  its  in¬ 
consistency,  it  is  that  which  records  the  boasts  of  European  self-disinterestedness,  com- 


11 


pared  with  that  great  Publican  on  the  western  side  of  the  Atlantic,  who  covets  all  he  sees, 
and  snatches  all  he  can.  Mr.  Everett’s  defence  of  the  history  of  our  acquisitions  is  un¬ 
answerable,  as  well  with  relation  to  the  means,  by  which  they  were  obtained,  as  to  the 
meliorations  resulting  from  them.  Truly  has  he  said,  “Every  addition  to  the  territory 
of  the  American  Union  has  given  homes  to  European  destitution,  and  gardens  to  Eu¬ 
ropean  want.”  And  he  might  have  added,  with  equal  truth,  freedom  and  the  rights  of 
man  to  European  vassalage.  He  says,  rather  slyly,  that  the  extensive  accessions  made 
to  French  and  English  dominion,  “have  created.no  uneasiness  in  the  United  States,” 
and  that  “probably,”  he  speaks  with  diplomatic  doubt,  “ probably  ”  our  accessions  of 
territory ,  while  following  the  example  set  us,  “caused  no  uneasiness  to  the  great  Euro¬ 
pean  Powers.”  Well  done,  Mr.  Everett!  well  done!  Addison  could  not  have  managed 
this  retort  with  drier  humor,  nor  in  a  happier  vein  of  irony. 

But  to  return  to  my  remark,  that  this  correspondence  gives  rise  to  some  serious 
reflections.  Why  was  this  proposition  for  a  tripartite  treaty  submitted  to  the  United 
States?  Not  with  the  slightest  belief  that  it  would  be  accepted.  There  was  not  a 
member  of  the  French  or  of  the  British  Cabinet,  who  did  not  know,  as  well  before  the 
project  was  referred  to  us,  as  after,  that  the  offer  would  be  peremptorily  rejected.  They 
all  understand  our  principles  and  our  policy.  They  knew  we  were  opposed  to  these 
“  entangling  alliances ,”  for  these  are  truly  so;  and  they  knew  our  view’s  with  respect  to 
Cuba,  and  that  we  would  not  sacrifice  our  permanent  interests  to  any  such  scheme. 

Then  why  this  solemn  farce  of  an  invitation  to  do,  what  it  was  known  we  would  not 
do  ?  Well,  sir,  there  is  but  one  rational  answer  to  this  inquiry.  Those  two  Govern¬ 
ments  are  able  to  say  to  us,  now  and  hereafter,  we  shall  take  our  own  course  with  respect 
to  Cuba.  We  have  asked  your  participation,  in  the  measures  necessary  for  its  security, 
and  you  have  declined  to  join  us.  We  are  free  to  act  as  we  please.  We  have  given 
you  warning,  that  we  do  not  recognize  your  right  to  acquire  that  Island,  and  that  we 
shall  “discountenance”  all  efforts,  that  you  may  make  to  obtain  possession  of  it.  This 
declaration  is  explicitly  made  by  the  French  Government,  and  the  same  view  is  easily 
deducible  from  the  letter  of  Mr.  Crampton,  where  he  speaks  of  there  being  something 
equivocal  in  the  declaration  of  the  United  States,  in  consequence  of  the  “juxtaposition” 
of  the  words  “  European”  and  “  Power,”  and  inviting  a  plain  disavowal  of  our  intention 
ever  to  obtain  possession  of  Cuba.  This,  of  course,  he  neither  got,  nor  expected  to  get. 

Thus,  then,  stands  this  matter:  France  and  England  have  assumed  the  right  to  decide 
upon  the  destiny  of  Cuba,  and  have  asked  the  concurrence  of  the  United  States  in  their 
proposed  arrangements.  This  has  been  declined,  and  the  two  Powers,  upon  their  own 
principles,  are  free  to  regulate  the  whole  subject,  so  far  as  they  can  agree  in  their  policy. 
If  they  cannot  do  that,  each  of  them  will  probably  awTait  the  chapter  of  accidents,  protest¬ 
ing  or  seizing,  as  one  or  the  other  may  be  in  the  ascendant — provided,  however,  that  we 
sit  still  and  philanthropically  cry  peace,  peace ,  when  there  is  no  peace. 

Now,  sir,  I  have  endeavored  to  show  why  these  resolutions  should  pass.  I  have 
endeavored  to  show,  both  our  right  and  our  duty  to  adopt  them,  and  also  that  their 
adoption  would  have  a  powerful  operation  in  checking  projects  of  aggrandizement,  which, 
without  our  influence,  will  go  on  to  their  consummation.  I  do  not  presume  to  say,  that 
this  solemn  proceeding  alone  will,  under  all  circumstances,  secure  our  immunity  from 
these  dangers.  But  I  do  say,  it  will  be  heard,  and  not  unheeded;  and  projects,  which, 
without  it,  would  be,  and  perhaps  promptly,  carried  into  effect,  will  be,  if  hot  abandoned, 
at  least  delayed,  till  a  more  convenient  opportunity — which  will  come  when  pusil¬ 
lanimity  guides  the  councils  of  our  country — and  not  till  then.  Why,  then,  not  say 
what  we  mean,  and  do  as  ^ve  say?  Gentlemen  opposed  to  this  course,  while  they  avow 
their  indisposition  to  act, -acknowledge,  also,  that  our  policy  must  be  enforced  by  war,  if 
necessary,  should  the  effort  be  made  to  thwart  it  and  to  endanger  our  safety. 

A  highly  estimable  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  for  whom  I  have  much 
regard,  has  recently  remarked  that  “  he  was  not  willing  to  sustain  the  resolution.” 
“  He  was  opposed  to  serving  a  John  Doe  and  Richard  Roe  notice  to  the  world,”  though 
he  avowed  his  determination  to  act  by  force,  if  European  colonization  should  be  attempt¬ 
ed,  or  if  there  should  be  danger  of  any  maritime  nation  taking  Cuba.  Then  why  not 
say  so?  The  declaration  may  do  good,  and  can  do  no  harm.  No  American,  Mr. 
President,  has  the  right  to  undervalue  his  country,  by  saying,  that  the  avowal  of  a 
firm  resolution  on  her  part  to  resist  an  unjust  policy,  deeply  affecting  us,  will  be  re¬ 
ceived  in  Europe  with  indifference,  or  lightly  regarded.  No,  it  is  not  so;  and  without 
the  fear  of  any  imputation  of  self-exaltation,  we  may  estimate  our  influence  by  a  higher 


12 


standard  than  that.  If,  indeed,  we  do  nothing,  by  our  own  differences  and  discussions, 
to  cast  suspicion  upon  our  ultimate  course,  leading  the  politicians  of  Europe  to  believe, 
that  when  the  trial  comes  the  record  containing  our  words  will  never  be  inscribed  with 
our  deeds.  Far  better  is.it  to  do  nothing,  than  thus  prove  recreant.  I  repeat,  sir,  why 
not  say,  in  good  faith,  what  in  good  faith  we  mean?  These  annunciations  to  the  world, 
of  a  fixed  course  of  policy,  in  certain  contingencies,  to  be  foreseen  or  apprehended,  are 
common  occurrences  in  the  intercourse  of  nations,  and  therefore  to  be  decided  on,  under 
existing  circumstances.  Why  not  serve  a  John  Doe  and  Richard  Roe  notice  to  ihe 
world?  Passing  by  the  sneer,  in  W'hich  I  join,  upon  the  clumsy  contrivances  of  the 
common  law,  by  puerile  fictions  to  do  indirectly  what  should  be  done  directly,  and 
looking  to  the  object  and  not  to  any  form  of  expression,  even  though  rendered  unpala¬ 
table  by  its  associations;  the  serving  of  that  notice  i9  precisely  what  we  may  do,  as  a 
just  nation,  what  we  ought  to  do,  as  a  wise  nation,  and  what  it  becomes  us  to  do,  as  a 
frank  and  republican  nation. 

Did  not  our  fathers  issue  a  John  Doe  and  Richard  Roe  notice  to  the  world,  on  the 
4th  day  of  July,  1776,  when  we  assumed  a  place  among  its  independent  communities; 
and  did  they  not  then  announce  certain  great  principles  as  fundamental  articles  of  our 
political  faith?  And  did  not  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  but  the  other  day,  issue  also  his  John 
Doe  and  Richard  Roe  notice,  in  the  form  of  a  Muscovite  decree,  proclaiming  to  Christen¬ 
dom,  that  nations  should  not  be  independent,  contrary  to  his  pleasure* — for  such  is  the 
meaning  of  that  memorable  State  paper,  when  divested  of  its  diplomatic  redundancy.  And 
is  not  modern  history  full  of  these  declarations,  more  or  less  just  or  unjust,  as  well  as 
more  or  less  grave,  down  to  the  blockading  of  a  port  even,  which  is  made  known  by 
the  same  process* 

So  much  for  these  two  old  pillars  of  the  common  law,  thus  converted  into  pillars  of 
the  public  law  of  the  world.  And  I  take  this  occasion  to  add,  that  I  saw  with  dismay, 
that  these  two  reverened  personages  had  been  recently  put  to  death  by  the  British  Par¬ 
liament!  The  most  prominent  event  in  human  progress,  that  has  occurred  in  my  day! 
The  old  dry  bones  are  really  beginning  to  shake.  I  have  no  doubt,  but  that  this  irre¬ 
parable  loss  has  been  sincerely  deplored,  as  well  in  England,  as  in  this  country,  by 
many  a  devout  believer  in  the  doctrine,  that  all  changes  are  changes  for  the  worse; 
and  that  unless  a  head  is  covered  with  a  horse-hair  wig,  whatever  may  be  inside,  the 
outside  renders  the  man  utterly  unfit  for  a  judicial  station. 

iiOh ,  the  virtue  of  horse-hair!”  said  the  waggish  Progressives  of  the  Edinburgh 
Review. 

But,  sir,  these  resolutions,  or  equivalent  ones,  embodying  the  same  principles,  will 
pass  the  Legislature  of  the  United  States.  Their  passage  is  but  a  question  of  time. 
They  may  fail  to-day,  and  they  may  fail  again.  Timidity  or  immobility  may  overrule 
that  firm  sagacity,  which  befits  our  condition.  It  is  just  as  certain,  that  these  principles 
themselves  will  be  permanently  ingrafted  into  the  American  policy,  and  in  the  most  im¬ 
posing  form,  as  it  is  that  they  are  now  ingrafted  in  the  hearts  of  the  American  people. 

My  friend,  the  Senator  from  New  Hampshire,  (Mr.  Hale,)  said  the  other  day,  with 
that  ex  cathedra  manner,  which  distinguishes  his  vaticinations,  not  always  remarkable 
for  their  fulfillment,  that  we  should  back  out  of  this  declaration,  if  made,  as  we  always 
do.  The  sentiment  is  not  very  patriotic,  nor  is  the  assertion  correct;  nor,  indeed,  is  it 
redeemed  by  the  charm  of  novelty.  I  heard  the  same  taunt  in  1812,  though  in  different 
terms.  The  phrase  then  was,  and  it  was  daily  heard  from  our  political  opponents,  that 
the  country  could  not  be  kicked  into  a  war.  Well,  sir,  we  went  to  war,  notwithstand¬ 
ing,  and  came  out  of  it  without  backing.  And  he,  who  thinks  we  shall  not,  and  urges 
that  as  a  reason  for  submission  to  national  degradation,  knows  little  of  the  resolution  of 
his  countrymen,  when  the  hour  of  trial  comes.  There  is  one  redeeming  and  encourag¬ 
ing  feature  of  our  public  character  in  all  these  contests  between  standing  still  and  going 
on,  and  that  is,  that  the  national  feeling,  in  all  grave  conjunctures,  has  always  gone 
ahead  of  the  Congressional  feeling.  I  know  of  no  exception;  the  latter  pants  after  the 
former,  but  not  entirely  in  vain.  And  it  is  best  it  should  be  so.  The  public  instinct  and 
judgment  are  right,  and  are  animated  with  an  ever  active  love  of  country,  which  feels 
its  way  and  follows  it,  turning  neither  to  the  right  hand  nor  to  the  left, 

Mr.  President,  I  am  not  going  over  the  old  ground  of  our  manifest  destiny ,  and  the 
mission  we  have  to  fulfil ,  and  other  similar  phrases,  expletives,  if  you  please,  adopted 
into  our  political  vocabulary,  and  which  have  provoked  more  criticism  than  they  merit, 
and  been  assigned  more  importance  than  they  are  entitled  to.  I  take  it,  they  are  all 


13 


merely  indicative  of  a  strong  impression  of  the  mighty  career,  that  is  before  us,  and  of 
the  duties  and  responsibilities,  it  brings  with  it,  as  well  towards  ourselves  as  the  world. 
However  these  may  be  magnified  or  depressed,  they  cannot  be  avoided;  and  that  past, 
which  alone  foreshadows  the  future,  is  filled  with  the  most  startling  proofs  of  national 
progress,  which  have  ever  arrested  the  attention  of  mankind. 

The  generation  has  not  yet  wholly  passed  away,  since  we  were  a  peaceful  dependency 
of  England,  and  he  who,  by  the  kindness  of  Providence  and  the  favor  of  his  fellow- 
ciiizens,  is  now  permitted  to  address  you,  wa3  born  before  the  final  acknowledgment  of 
our  independence  by  the  parent  country.  A  narrow  strip  of  sea-coast,  and  a  scattered 
population,  short  of  three  millions,  who  were  hardly  permitted,  as  it  has  been  said,  in 
illustration  rather  than  in  assertion,  to  make  a  horseshoe  nail  for  themselves,  divided 
into  separate  colonies,  and  almost  unknown,  with  some  profitable  rather  than  patriotic 
anticipations  at  home,  as  England  was  then  called,  that  these  possessions  might  be  use¬ 
ful  for  the  purpose  of  taxation, — such  was  our  condition  about  the  commencement  of 
our  revolutionary  struggle,  and  at  its  close  we  found  ourselves  exhausted  by  the  exer¬ 
tions  we  had  made,  and  without  internal  trade,  without  external  commerce,  and,  in  fact, 
without  a  government  for  the  protection  of  social  order  or  the  prevention  of  foreign  ag¬ 
gression;  and,  indeed,  the  institutions  of  the  country  were  maintained  by  the  character 
of  the  people,  and  not  by  political  organization.  The  seventy  years,  which  have  since 
passed  away,  have  more  than  quadrupled  the  area  of  our  territory,  have  increased  our 
population  eightfold,  and  have  added  to  our  productive  industry,  to  our  commerce  and 
navigation,  to  our  revenue  and  resources,  and  to  all  the  other  elements  of  power  and  pros¬ 
perity  in  a  still  greater  ratio,  while  they  have  given  us  a  Government  and  institutions, 
as  free  as  is  compatible  with  the  preservation  of  order,  and  have  placed  us  among  the 
great  Powers  of  the  earth,  with  none  to  make  us  afraid.  And  at  the  same  time,  our 
intellectual  improvement  has  kept  pace  with  our  material  advancement,  and  our  whole 
progress  is  without  example  in  the  history  of  nations. 

Now,  sir,  in  this  state  of  things,  let  no  man  despair  of  the  future.  Let  no  one  fear, 
that  his  country  will  not,  sooner  or  later,  come  up  to  her  proper  work,  without  presump¬ 
tion,  but  without  hesitation.  Our  progress  is  from  day  to  day,  but  the  steps,  which 
mark  our  career  before  the  world,  are  the  decennial  periods,  when  the  “  numbering  of 
the  people ”  discloses  results  surprising  even  to  ourselves,  and  almost  incredible  to  the 
other  nations  of  Christendom.  Eight  of  these  I  have  lived  to  see,  and  the  gigantic 
strides,  they  mark,  indicate  a  future,  which  is  almost  appalling  to  the  imagination.  If 
this  magnificent  destiny,  even  now  so  gratifying  to  national  pride,  but  in  prospect  so 
boundless  in  its  power,  for  evil  or  for  good,  brings  with  it  causes  of  gratulation  for 
every  true  American,  it  brings  also  grave  responsibilities,  which  cannot  be  evaded,  and 
ought  not  to  be  neglected. 

It  is  thus  we  have  a  mission  to  fulfil ,  in  the  example  we  may  offer,  and  in  all  just 
efforts  to  promote  the  extension  of  freedom,  the  advancement  of  knowledge,  and  the 
establishment  of  all  the  great  principles,  on  which  public  and  private  prosperity  depends. 

In  looking  back  upon  our  progress  from  infancy  to  maturity,  it  is  obvious,  that  we 
have  submitted  to  much,  that  was  unjust  and  contumelious,  because  we  had  not  strength 
to  resist,  as  we  should  now  do,  pretensions,  not  less  remarkable  for  their  injustice,  than 
for  the  presumption  and  pertinacity  with  which  they  were  urged.  We  had  true  patriots 
in  those  days  of  weakness  to  guide  and  counsel  us,  and  well  did  they  fulfil  their  trust. 
But  we  had  to  bear  much,  because  we  could  forbear  when  we  could  not  avert  or  avenge. 

But  old  things  have  passed  away,  and  with  the  power  has  come  the  determination  of 
the  American  people  to  protect  their  interests  and  their  honor,  wherever,  and  whenever, 
and  however  these  may  be  assailed.  Why,  sir,  it  is  difficult  even  for  this  generation  to 
believe,  and  to  the  next  it  would  appear  perfectly  incredible,  unless  established  by  the 
irrefragable  evidence  of  public  records,  that  for  twenty  years  we  seriously  argued  with 
England,  in  labored  diplomatic  notes,  whether  her  naval  officers  had  a  right  to  enter  and 
search  our  vessels,  wherever  these  might  be  met  on  the  ocean,  and  to  take  thence,  at 
their  mere  will,  any  person  they  might  find,  and  consign  him  to  that  worst  of  slavery, 
the  slavery  of  unlimited  service  on  board  a  hostile  ship  to  fight  against  his  own  country. 
Well,  sir,  we  have  exhausted  that  argument,  and  shall  supply  its  place  by  other  means. 
We  have  got  far  beyond  discussion,  and  the  first  man  impressed  from  an  American 
vessel  by  a  British  officer,  whose  act  is  recognized  by  his  Government,  will  be  the  signal 
of  war.  Nor  shall  we  ever  again  discuss  the  legality  of  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees,  and 
all  the  other  schemes  of  rapacity,  by  which  neutral  property  was  stolen  during  the  terri- 


14 


ble  contests  arising  out  of  the  French  Revolution — schemes  which  were  defended,  in 
elaborate  State  papers,  upon  a  highwayman’s  plea,  that  he  robs  you,  because  you  have 
been,  or  will  be  robbed,  by  some  one  else.  All  this,  too,  is  with  the  things  that  have 
been.  And  think  you,  sir,  that  the  time  will  ever  return,  when  a  third  of  the  territorial 
extent  of  one  of  the  States  of  this  Union  will  be  ceded  upon  such  pretexts,  as  those 
which  dismembered  the  State  of  Maine?  Never,  in  my  opinion,  was  there  a  public 
claim  urged  upon  grounds  so  utterly  indefensible  as  that;  but  we  yielded,  and  now  let  us 
make  the  best  of  it,  and  acquiring  resolution  as  we  acquire  strength,  let  us  do  just  what 
is  right — and  demand  it  from  others.  That  is  our  true  policy,  and  as  it  is  right,  that  we 
should  exercise  the  same  authority,  as  the  other  Powers  of  the  world,  our  coequals  only 
in  position,  in  the  declaration  of  great  principles  of  international  law,  the  true  sentiment 
of  self-respect  will  teach  us,  ere  long,  to  maintain  its  inviolability  when  threatened  with 
dangerous  innovations,  hostile  to  the  freedom  and  independence  of  nations,  by  the  same 
solemn  and  authoritative  procedure,  as  that  which  announces  its  peril.  If  we  choose, 
that  our  Chief  Magistrate  should  wear  a  hat,  and  not  a  crown,  we  desire  it  to  be  under¬ 
stood,  that  we  are  just  as  jealous  of  our  rights  and  honor,  and  have  just  as  much  of 
both,  as  the  gaudiest  monarch  of  them  all. 

We  committed  a  great  error,  not  a  fatal  one,  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  do  in  our 
condition  of  elasticity,  when,  last  session,  we  refused  to  pass  a  declaration  denying  to 
the  Emperor  of  Russia,  the  authority  he  had  assumed,  to  act  the  part  of  universal  legis¬ 
lator,  and  to  impress  his  own  will  upon  the  code  of  the  public  law  of  mankind,  prostrat¬ 
ing  with  his  pen,  preparatory  to  prostrating  with  his  sword,  all  the  barriers,  that  protect 
the  political  rights  of  nations.  Well,  we  shrunk  also  from  this  high  duty.  We  got 
alarmed  at  the  shadow  of  something — I  do  not  know  precisely  what,  whether  Russian 
ukases ,  or  “entangling  alliances,”  and  left  the  Czar  to  pass  his  own  law,  and  to  enforce 
it  too.  And  hereatter,  when  the  occasion  comes, — and  it  will  come,  for  power,  like  the 
daughters  of  the  horse- leech,  always  cries  give,  give, — he. will  be  able  to  quote  his  own 
precedent,  submitted  to  in  both  hemispheres,  and  seek  to  regulate  the  whole  subject  of 
international  communication,  and  of  national  rights  by  a  ukase,  as  he  regulates  the  lives 
and  fortunes  of  the  sixty  millions  of  people,  who  call  him  lord  and  master.  In  brief 
time  we  shall  abjure  all  this,  as  well  our  own  subservience,  as  his  presumption,  and 
assume  our  place  in  the  great  legislative  council  of  nations. 

We  have  evidently  reached  one  of  those  epochs  in  the  career  of  nations  to  which  the 
historian  of  their  decline  and  fall  looks  back,  in  his  searching  investigation,  into  the 
the  causes  of  their  fate.  Our  duties  are  plain,  noble  indeed,  and  our  position  invites  us 
to  fulfil  them,  firmly  and  fearlessly.  The  progress  and  improvement  in  all  the  great 
branches  of  human  industry,  and  especially  in  those,  which  relate  to  the  intercommuni¬ 
cation  of  nations,  and  to  the  benefit,  that  each  may  derive  from  all  by  the  interchange, 
as  well  of  knowledge  as  of  material  products,  have  brought  the  human  family  more 
closely  into  contact,  than  at  any  former  period,  and  have  opened  interests,  which,  if  not 
new,  have  become  much  more  powerful  in  their  extent  and  operation,  and  which  give 
some  degree  of  unity  to  the  public  feeling  of  the  world.  We  cannot  withdraw  from 
this  great  association.  We  cannot  isolate  ourselves  from  the  common  sentiment  of  the 
age,  nor  ought  we  to  do  so  if  we  could.  Our  place  is  assigned  to  us  by  events  almost 
beyond  our  control,  and  as  we  fill  it,  worthily  or  unworthily,  the  judgment  of  the  future 
will  pronounce  us  the  inheritors  of  the  spirit,  as  we  have  been  of  the  labors  and  sacri¬ 
fices,  of  the  men  of  the  Revolution,  or  craven  descendants,  false  to  their  principles,  as 
to  our  own  honor.  I  am  well  aware,  Mr.  President,  that  such  views  expose  a  man  to  a 
great  deal  of  obloquy  in  this  country.  I  have  experienced  all  that,  in  common  with 
many  others.  But  neither  the  advent,  nor  the  apprehension  of  it,  has  deterred  me,  at 
much  earlier  periods  of  life,  and  certainly  will  not  deter  me  now,  when  that  life  is  fast 
drawing  to  a  close,  from  the  expression  of  an  earnest  hope,  that  the  American  name  and 
fame  will  be  maintained  by  the  American  people,  with  the  brightness  of  true  glory,  un¬ 
diminished  by  the  neglect  of  a  single  deed,  which  national  honor  may  require  we  should 
do,  or  leave  undone. 

There  are  men,  American  citizens  even,  who  cannot  appreciate  sentiments  like  these — 
who  disbelieve  in  their  existence,  and  who  deride  and  denounce  all  those,  who  avow 
them  as  demagogues — that  is  the  term — and  which,  when  truly  translated  from  our  party 
vocabulary  into  old-fashioned  English,  means  all,  who  differ  in  great  measures  from 
these  standards  of  faith,  and  advocate  them,  even  though  they  are  acceptable  to  the 
people — a  fatal  error,  indeed,  in  a  country  like  this.  I  saw  the  other  day  a  specimen  of 
this  exclusive  patriotism,  which  rails  at  all  it  does  not  accept,  in  a  Buffalo  paper,  the 


15 


Commercial  Advertiser,  which,  from  it3  near  relation  to  the  present  Administration,  I 
should  have  thought  would  have  tried  to  elevate  itself  above  this  tone  of  affected  modera¬ 
tion,  but  of  real  subserviency,  and  which  deprecates  all  these  efforts  to  resist  European 
encroachment,  talks  of  the  ghost  of  the  Monroe  doctrine,  and  of  palpable  absurdities 
introduced  into  the  Senate  with  owl-like  wisdom ,  and  in  a  spirit  of  demagogism ,  and 
of  the  equality  of  the  rights  of  European  monarchs  with  the  United  States  upon  this 
continent,  arid  much  more  of  the  same  sort,  little  suited  to  the  banks  of  the  Niagara, 
but  which  would  find  its  proper  home  upon  the  banks  of  the  Thames,  as  would  he  who 
cherishes  and  utters  such  anti- American  sentiments.  But  time  will  bring  its  cure  for 
this  Anglo  mania,  and  when  the  patient  once  recovers,  he  wonders  how  he  ever  caught 
the  disorder. 

I  have  seen  a  great  deal  of  this  political  perversity,  this  unpatriotic  predisposition, 
which  prompts  many  men  to  take  part  against  their  country,  whatever  be  the  position, 
in  which  she  is  placed.  I  do  not  recollect  a  single  controversy,  in  which  we  have  been 
involved  with  a  foreign  Power,  since  I  have  been  on  the  stage  of  action,  when  the  whole 
sentiment  of  the  country  was  united  in  the  cause  of  the  country.  I  doubt  if  there  is 
another  people  on  the  face  of  the  globe,  whose  history  presents  so  many  instances  of  this 
want  of  true  national  pride,  patriotism  rather,  as  our  own.  Whether  it  results  from  any 
peculiar  political  idiosyncracy  I  know  not;  or  whether  our  party  feelings  are  so  strong, 
that  we  are  blinded  by  them,  and  led  in  their  vehemence,  to  think  that  all  is  wrong  our 
opponents  do;  or  it  may  be,  at  any  rate,  so  far  as  England  is  concerned,  that  some  of  the 
old  colonial  leaven  remains,  which  leavens  much  of  the  lump, — be  it  one  or  the  other,  or 
whatever  else,  the  deplorable  consequence  is  certain,  and  the  sentiment  of  Decatur,  not 
less  noble  than  just,  "  Our  country  right  or  wrong,”  which  being  truly  understood,  felt 
rather,  means,  that  when  embarked  in  a  controversy  with  a  foreign  nation,  it  becomes 
every  true  citizen,  after  the  course  of  his  country  has  been  decided  by  the  constitutional 
authority,  to  submit  to  that  decision  and  to  support  her  cause,  and  not  the  cause  of  her 
foes — this  noble  sentiment  finds  many,  who  repudiate  it;  many  who  possess  the  charac¬ 
ter  without  possessing  the  feelings  of  American  citizens. 

Mr.  President,  I  trust  our  imperial  neighbor  on  the  other  side  of  the  Pacific,  the 
mighty  brother  of  the  sun  and  moon,  will  set  up  no  Chinese  claims  to  our  new  posses¬ 
sions  upon  that  ocean;  for  if  he  should,  they  might  create  much  embarrassment,  as  I  fear 
there  would  not  be  found  wanting  those  among  us  ready  to  vouch  for  the  validity  of  the 
claim,  and  to  impugn  our  title  because  it  is  ours. 

But,  returning  from  this  digression,  if  it  can  be  called  one,  more  immediately  to  the 
subject,  I  would  observe  that  conservatism  and  progress ,  as  they  are  called,  designate 
principles,  positions  rather,  which  are  useful  in  their  moderate,  but  injurious  in  their 
extreme  application.  Like  all  other  antagonastic  elements,  which  work  together,  and 
well  and  wisely,  in  the  worlds  of  mind  and  matter,  these  also  may  usefully  co-operate, 
without  counteracting  each  other.  It  may  be,  that  we  may  run  too  fast:  but  we  have 
not  yet  committed  that  error,  nor  do  I  believe  we  shall.  When  we  do,  then  it  will  be 
time  enough  to  announce  the  danger  and  to  propose  the  remedy.  In  the  meantime,  we 
desire,  that  we  may  be  left  free  in  our  career,  rightfully  free,  unimpeded  by  tortuous  Eu¬ 
ropean  policy  or  project  of  aggrandizement  upon  this  continent.  And  every  American 
who,  participates  in  this  sentiment,  will  be  ready  to  proclaim  it,  as  these  resolutions  do, 
and  abide  by  it,  in  safety  and  in  dangers.  We  do  not  intend  to  be  circumscribed  in  our 
expansion,  nor  do  we  intend  to  have  this  hemisphere  ruled  by  maxims,  suited  neither 
to  its  position,  nor  to  its  interests,  and  divided  into  political  communities,  dependencies 
of  European  monarchies,  or  under  their  influence,  and,  therefore,  liable  to  be  involved 
in  every  war,  breaking  out  in  the  Old  World,  and  thus  extending  its  dangers  and  its 
difficulties  to  the  New,  and  by  which  means  we  should  be  exposed,  in  all  time  to  come, 
to  have  our  lines  of  communication  with  our  Pacific  coast  interrupted,  our  commerce  cut 
in  two ,  as  Lord  George  Bentinck  said,  and  war  entailed  upon  us,  agreeably  to  the 
moral  code  of  Blackwood,  that  impersonations  of  English  Tory  feelings,  as  a  “blessing 
to  mankind,”  together  with  all  the  other  vexatious  annoyances  which  such  a  state  of 
of  things  could  not  fail  to  bring  with  it.  If  this  is  not  to  be  our  destiny,  we  must  bo 
progressive,  till  the  great  objects  are  accomplished,  and  then  just  as  conservative  as  may 
be  necessary  to  maintain  our  high  position  in  the  world,  our  free  institutions,  and  all 
those  elements  of  individual  and  national  prosperity  which  God  has  given  to  us,  and 
which,  I  trust,  man  will  never  be  able  to  take  away.  This  will  be  the  truly  American 
union  of  progress  and  conservatism. 


